This is Kaditshwene… the birthplace of the Bahurutshe Nation

S25* 20′ 34.2″; E26* 10′ 42.4″

A majestic landscape that captures your soul and imagination. The tale of this farm is rooted in the emergence of the Iron Age and can take those with determination into the future of a city and a nation once forgotten.

In the same caliber as the Zimbabwe Ruins, Thulamela and Mapungubgwe, one cannot ignore what is here and one can even less ignore where this place can go, and it can take so many less fortunate, struggling and desperate with it into a new dawn.

The farm Bloemfontein JP63 and Torrington is set in the valley of the Enzelsberg (Tsweenyane) 5km left out of the village of Mokgola, about 20km out of Zeerust on the Zeerust/Gaborone road.

This is pristine bushveld; a frostfree farm that can agriculturally sustain large scale intensive farming both concentrating on livestock and crops. The abundance of underground fountain water makes this real and sustainable.

As a game farm, this piece of earth lends itself to opportunities equal to the successes that have been achieved at Madikwe and Pilanesberg and numerous other smaller game park/farm destinations in the area.

This is fertile land; prescious metal and mineral rich, malaria free, abundant with potential and thoroughly researched and crowned as one of the newest heritage sites in the world…this is where the Bahurutshe originated and expanded as a proud nation.

Now why has this jewel amidst this poverty stricken part of our country, not been excavated to its full potential?

Numerous attempts have been made to sell the land back to the government but unfortunately all these attempts have been unsuccessful so far. Whilst the farm owner has done his best to preserve the heritage and to nurture this piece of land, it has not been developed to its full potential in order to benefit thousands of people that can truly turn their lives around just by working hard and embracing their roots.

Let Kaditshwene be developed to responsibly alleviate poverty and with proper guidance, create a brighter future for our youth. Let this part of creation be honoured and let it be the Bahurutshe’s own shining City on a hill!

Research already conducted at Kaditshwene

Dr E.M.M. Conradie (NWU) 2000

Prof J.A.C. Boeyens (UNISA) 1998

THE RHINO AND KADITSHWENE….. WHAT CAN THIS MEAN FOR TOURISM?

The cultural and symbolic significance of the African rhinoceros.

In the case of early southern African farming communities, this symbolic link between the rhino and political power also became manifest in their architecture through monoliths that reference the horns of the rhinoceros bull or leader. The palace areas of Shona and Venda capitals are characterised by the presence of monoliths on walls and at entrances. Two monoliths stood and are still standing at the entrance to the private court of the chiefs of the Magoro dynasty at Mbwenda, their nineteenth-century capital in southern Venda (Boeyens 2012: 25-9). Upon enquiring about the significance of the monoliths on the palace walls of Great Zimbabwe, Shona informants told Huffman (1996: 35) that the monoliths were called “the horns of the mambo [king]’ because the king was metaphorically like a bull and defended his people with his spear (his army) as a bull defended its herd with its horn”.

The monoliths in the entrance to the central chiefly court of Kaditshwene, the capital of the Hurutshe between c. 1790 and 1823, most probably carried a similar symbolic load, One monolith is still standing today, while another of almost equal length lies a few yards away (Boeyens 1998: 213, 2000: 8, 10). The Hurutshe’s erstwhile mountain stronghold in present- day Marico in the North West Province is flanked by the Ratshukudu (‘Mr/Father of Rhinoceros’) stream. Genealogically, the Hurutshe are widely acclaimed to be the senior grouping among the Tswana and, as such, the court at Kaditshwene would have been imbued with considerable political and ritual status in the wider region (Boeyens & Plug 2011: 1).

Altogether the evidence suggests that notions about the nature of leadership and the symbolic meaning of the African rhinoceros were widely shared among southeastern Bantu speakers and had considerable time depth. Leadership has many attributes, and in patrilineal Eastern Bantu-speaking societies was intertwined with the well-being of the community and associated with political power, military prowess, defence, security and fertility. Such symbolism extends back many centuries and marked not only the institution of sacred leadership as expressed in the Mapungubwe kingdom, but also applied to lesser-stratified Sotho-Tswana chiefdoms of more recent times. In general, the fortunes of a community depended on the political wisdom of its leader and his intercession with his chiefly ancestors. The chief had to defend his subjects, lead them in military campaigns, adjudicate in court cases, and oversee the performance of the necessary ceremonies and rituals to ensure good rains and harvests, as well as the enculturation of the youth. While the evidence for the leadership symbolism of the black rhino is unambiguous, the symbolic load of the white thino is less evident. Nonetheless, several strands of evidence suggest that, at least during the late precolonial and early historical period, African farming communities drew upon both the black and the white rhino in their conceptualisation of the essence of leadership.

The cultural and symbolic significance of the African rhinoceros manifested itself in numerous ways. We can now affirm the somewhat tentative observation that the iconic golden rhinoceros from Mapungubwe “was most likely an emblem of royal power” (Hall & Stefoff 2006: 35). Rhino figurines were also used as didactic tools during initiation ceremonies in which knowledge about values, laws and mores was imparted. Rhino horns were employed as receptacles for rainmaking medicines, whereas rhino bones, especially foot and leg bones, became important elements of rainmaking rites. Rhino horn clubs functioned as markers of chiefly status and the epithet ‘rhinoceros horn’ served as an honorific title for a leader. Meat cut from the breast of a rhinoceros was the preserve of a chief and was received as tribute from his subjects. The presentation of a cut-off rhino head to a defiant leader or a subject chief conveyed a clear message that subordination would not be tolerated and that magic would be applied to restore the political order.

The cultural significance of the rhino is also borne out by Tswana nomenclature and folk taxonomy. Besides the generic term tshukudu, Tswana speakers had no fewer than five different names for the black rhino and two for the white rhino. These names were coined mainly to distinguish between variants of each species on the basis of horn and body size. The rhino metaphor also features prominently in praise poems of Tswana chiefs. In this regard, too, there is a strong emphasis on rhino horns as the key anatomical trait that epitomised the danger, aggression, authority, protection and military success of a leader. The front horn was not only a weapon of attack and defence, but its cutting action symbolised the final authority and decision-making responsibilities of the chief. It is argued that this metaphorical association found material expression in monoliths that functioned as rhino horn/leadership referents and adorned the walls and entrances of Venda and Zimbabwe culture palaces, as well as the courts of nineteenth-century Tswana capitals. Rhino horns and monoliths are phallus-like objects and, as such, could also symbolise male status, fertility and procreation.